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Author: Paul Doran

10 October 2025

The Impeachment of Boluarte and Peru's Crisis of Corruption

Credit: The Economist

 

 

On 10 October, Peru's Congress impeached President Dina Boluarte2025, the latest episode in a country which has been fraught with repeated presidential downfalls, endemic corruption, and deep governance crises. Since 2018, Peru has seen six presidents. Four recent leaders are incarcerated for corruption while another died by suicide to avoid arrest. Why was Boluarte impeached, what does it mean in the context of endemic Peruvian leadership failures, and what are the prospects for national stability?

 

Boluarte's ouster followed a late-night Congressional session citing "permanent moral incapacity" as grounds for her impeachment, a vague constitutional phrase that repeatedly undermines the nation’s executive stability. She was removed after intense pressure from public outrage over surging crime rates, deep political divisions, and longstanding allegations of corruption and abuses of power. Notably, the congressional vote was nearly unanimous, including former allies who abandoned Boluarte amidst scandal, protest, and eroding approval ratings throughout her short tenure. With no vice president in place, the head of Congress, José Jeri, was installed as caretaker president until elections scheduled for April 2026.

Boluarte's downfall is symptomatic of broader dysfunction. Peru's highest office has become a revolving door since 2016, with each administration dogged by pervasive corruption and mass mobilization against entrenched elites. Shortly after her ascension in 2022, Boluarte faced allegations ranging from "genocide" —an exaggerated response to bloody crackdowns on protestors—to illicit enrichment in the so-called "Rolexgate" scandal. Public trust collapsed as crime soared to record levels while the government has appeared incapable of dealing with it.

Peru's Presidential Crisis: A Pattern of Corruption

 

Peru’s political instability is inseparable from the reputation of its recent presidents, most of whom have faced formal corruption proceedings. This string of legal consequences remains unprecedented in Latin America:

 

  • Alejandro Toledo [2001–2006]: Sentenced to a 13-year term in September 2025 for taking bribes linked to the Odebrecht scandal. He is one of five recent presidents incarcerated—including Pedro Castillo and Ollanta Humala, who share a specialized detention facility in Lima.​
  • Pedro Pablo Kuczynski [2016–2018]: Resigned over Odebrecht-linked payments; sentenced to jail and presently subject to house arrest.​
  • Ollanta Humala [2011–2016]: Jailed in 2025 for money laundering stemming from illegal campaign contributions and payments involving both Odebrecht and Venezuelan sources.​
  • Martín Vizcarra [2018–2020]: Jailed prior to trial in 2025 on charges of accepting large bribes for public works during his term as regional governor. Though released pending trial, prosecutors seek a 15-year sentence.​
  • Pedro Castillo [2021–2022]: Ousted after attempting to dissolve Congress and currently incarcerated after failed power grab.​

 

In addition, Alan García [1985–1990, 2006–2011], one of the APRA party's most prominent figures, killed himself in 2019 as police arrived to arrest him for alleged Odebrecht bribes. His suicide underscored the perilous collision of politics and corruption that has defined Peru’s last three decades.

A succession of prosecutions since the 1990s confirms the depth of graft in the country’s political elite, stretching back to Alberto Fujimori [1990–2000] —jailed for human rights abuses and corruption. Of the last six Peruvian presidents, only Fernando Belaúnde Terry escaped legal scrutiny upon leaving office, dying in 2002.

Boluarte’s Impeachment in Context

 

The ouster of Dina Boluarte was shaped by several underlying factors:

  • Collapse of Public Trust: Boluarte’s administration struggled to respond to Peru’s ongoing crime wave. Homicides and extortion cases hit all-time highs, inciting widespread protests and demands for her departure.
  • Systemic Corruption: Corruption scandals remain endemic, implicated in every administration since the late 1990s. The Odebrecht affair, which has swept through all levels of government, exposed the nexus of business and political leadership, leading to repeated presidential jailings and suicides.​
  • Cycle of Instability: Removing presidents for "moral incapacity" has been a frequent weapon in Peru’s political arsenal, but it has failed to address deeper institutional deficiencies. Without fundamental reform, the same forces are likely to repeat perennially.​

 

In the hours before her impeachment, Boluarte refused to appear before Congress to defend herself, a move interpreted as contempt and disrespect by lawmakers. The subsequent elevation of Jeri does little to ease the sense of crisis, particularly as he himself faces unresolved allegations.

Institutional Weakness and Political Forecast

 

Peru's chronic presidential instability reflects profound institutional weakness:

 

  • Weak Political Parties: Party fragmentation and short-lived coalitions discourage coherent governance and enhance the Congress’s power to oust presidents on vague grounds, such as “moral incapacity”.​
  • Legalistic Weaponization: Impeachment has become a substitute for policy debate, with Congress frequently invoking constitutional provisions for political expediency. The notion of "moral incapacity" is undefined and abused, creating a climate of unpredictability.
  • Public Mobilization: Since Boluarte’s arrival, mass demonstrations have resulted in scores of deaths and the militarization of public order, fuelling further resentment against traditional elites.​
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Looking ahead, several scenarios emerge:

 

  • Continued Crisis and Elite Power Plays: Congress will likely retain its dominance in shaping near-term outcomes. The April 2026 elections may bring yet another outsider to power, trusted less for programmatic vision than oppositional credentials. Institutional renewal will remain elusive until Peru’s parties reform and the public regains trust.
  • Rising Populism or Authoritarianism: The perpetual leadership vacuum magnifies the risk of populist or authoritarian takeovers. A charismatic outsider could mobilize disaffected Peruvians, while the military’s role in repressing protests since 2022 suggests democratic backsliding remains a possibility.
  • Incremental Reform and Gradual Stabilization: A more optimistic scenario would see civil society and reform-minded politicians pursuing constitutional and anti-corruption reform. Legislative efforts to clarify “moral incapacity” or create checks on Congressional power could fortify the presidency and enhance accountability.
  • Entrenchment of Corruption: The institutional cycle may persist; elite bargaining may again lead to transactional deals benefiting entrenched interests, perpetuating Peru’s reputation for impunity.

 

Peru's experience sheds light on the broader Latin American crisis of governance. The Odebrecht scandal still reverberates throughout regional politics, illustrating both the vulnerability of executive power and the growing agency of investigative bodies and civil society. Several broader lessons stand out:

  • Accountability Must Go Beyond Impeachment: While jailing corrupt leaders fulfils a form of justice, it has not led to structural renewal or restored trust. Transparency, party reform, and judicial independence are needed.​
  • Vague Constitutional Provisions Breed Instability: Weaponizing "moral incapacity" encourages Congressional overreach and strips the presidency of legitimacy and authority.​
  • Crisis of Representation: Populists thrive in the vacuum left by discredited parties and institutions, creating risks of further instability and democratic erosion.
  • Regional Resonance: Peru’s drama is mirrored in other Latin American countries where corruption scandals, mass mobilization, and elite impunity catalyze similar authoritarian or populist backlashes.

 

Boluarte’s impeachment punctuates a troubling era in Peruvian politics, but without institutional change, her removal simply extends a cycle marked by scandal, instability, and crisis. The frequent jailings of Toledo, Humala, Castillo, Vizcarra and the suicide of García reveal not only the consequences of personal malfeasance but also the destructive effects of legalistic warfare and elite power plays.

The road to stabilization will be difficult. Peru's new government must urgently pursue judicial reform, electoral reform, and anti-corruption measures, while civil society must pressure for more transparent, accountable leadership. Only by addressing systemic weaknesses can Peru hope to escape the cycle of crisis and forge a path toward sustainable, representative government

 

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