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Author: Paul Doran
Credit: The Economist
On 10 October, Peru's Congress impeached President Dina Boluarte2025, the latest episode in a country which has been fraught with repeated presidential downfalls, endemic corruption, and deep governance crises. Since 2018, Peru has seen six presidents. Four recent leaders are incarcerated for corruption while another died by suicide to avoid arrest. Why was Boluarte impeached, what does it mean in the context of endemic Peruvian leadership failures, and what are the prospects for national stability?
Boluarte's ouster followed a late-night Congressional session citing "permanent moral incapacity" as grounds for her impeachment, a vague constitutional phrase that repeatedly undermines the nation’s executive stability. She was removed after intense pressure from public outrage over surging crime rates, deep political divisions, and longstanding allegations of corruption and abuses of power. Notably, the congressional vote was nearly unanimous, including former allies who abandoned Boluarte amidst scandal, protest, and eroding approval ratings throughout her short tenure. With no vice president in place, the head of Congress, José Jeri, was installed as caretaker president until elections scheduled for April 2026.
Boluarte's downfall is symptomatic of broader dysfunction. Peru's highest office has become a revolving door since 2016, with each administration dogged by pervasive corruption and mass mobilization against entrenched elites. Shortly after her ascension in 2022, Boluarte faced allegations ranging from "genocide" —an exaggerated response to bloody crackdowns on protestors—to illicit enrichment in the so-called "Rolexgate" scandal. Public trust collapsed as crime soared to record levels while the government has appeared incapable of dealing with it.
Peru’s political instability is inseparable from the reputation of its recent presidents, most of whom have faced formal corruption proceedings. This string of legal consequences remains unprecedented in Latin America:
In addition, Alan García [1985–1990, 2006–2011], one of the APRA party's most prominent figures, killed himself in 2019 as police arrived to arrest him for alleged Odebrecht bribes. His suicide underscored the perilous collision of politics and corruption that has defined Peru’s last three decades.
A succession of prosecutions since the 1990s confirms the depth of graft in the country’s political elite, stretching back to Alberto Fujimori [1990–2000] —jailed for human rights abuses and corruption. Of the last six Peruvian presidents, only Fernando Belaúnde Terry escaped legal scrutiny upon leaving office, dying in 2002.
The ouster of Dina Boluarte was shaped by several underlying factors:
In the hours before her impeachment, Boluarte refused to appear before Congress to defend herself, a move interpreted as contempt and disrespect by lawmakers. The subsequent elevation of Jeri does little to ease the sense of crisis, particularly as he himself faces unresolved allegations.
Peru's chronic presidential instability reflects profound institutional weakness:
Looking ahead, several scenarios emerge:
Peru's experience sheds light on the broader Latin American crisis of governance. The Odebrecht scandal still reverberates throughout regional politics, illustrating both the vulnerability of executive power and the growing agency of investigative bodies and civil society. Several broader lessons stand out:
Boluarte’s impeachment punctuates a troubling era in Peruvian politics, but without institutional change, her removal simply extends a cycle marked by scandal, instability, and crisis. The frequent jailings of Toledo, Humala, Castillo, Vizcarra and the suicide of García reveal not only the consequences of personal malfeasance but also the destructive effects of legalistic warfare and elite power plays.
The road to stabilization will be difficult. Peru's new government must urgently pursue judicial reform, electoral reform, and anti-corruption measures, while civil society must pressure for more transparent, accountable leadership. Only by addressing systemic weaknesses can Peru hope to escape the cycle of crisis and forge a path toward sustainable, representative government
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